Scandinavian Nepali Diaspora

                                                                                                                                          Prabin K. Prajapati

Abstract:

Migration has more often been placed as a discourse for the economic growth and urbanization process however the following paper is an attempt  to find a political  linkage of migration  in social transformation process arguing that rural, urban to international migration enhances not only financial capabilities but also knowledge based political participation. In context to Nepal, particularly a city of Eastern Development Region, Dharan, one can experience the contribution of circular migrants in infrastructure development, along with rapid urbanization and political participation.  A case of ‘DHARAN’, in Nepal is a live experience of rapid urbanization and evidence on how migrants can create a particular place as their identity of affluent society with freedom and democracy. 

 

Key words: migration, politics, urbanization, social transformation, Gurkha Soldiers

Introduction:

Migration is understood as leaving the origin of birth place and move to another territory for at least a year at various reasons (excluding internally displaced)[1]. There are five different modalities to understand motivation of migration.  It includes: economic/behavioural models premised on utility maximization by migrants seeking better economic opportunities elsewhere; population pressure ‘push’ known as eco-demography in which migration takes place at diminishing return of labour; ‘pull’ factor or spatial gravity or attraction to urban which compensate the transaction cost of moving to or forth due to the distance; anthropo-sociological model looks at importance of group network and modernizing influence of migration; and finally neo- Marxist dependency models that view uneven development and the articulation of pre-capitalist with capitalist modes of production as the root cause of migration (Gidwani and Shivramakrishnan, March, 2003. p.186- 213).  This paper particularly concentrates on models premised on utility maximization by migrants seeking better economic opportunities elsewhere. But it will also discuss other models of migration in general.  On the backdrop of existing fact the evolution of Dharan is the cause of utility maximization of rural people who owned a legacy of brave warriors of their past generation, the hypothesis of this paper is that rural, urban to international migration enhances not only financial capabilities but also knowledge based political participation. Nepali society is not exception of class division which consists feudal characteristics. The quantity of land holding is also a parameter to reflect class divisions. The people who joined British Army as labour oriented migration belong to either middle or poor class. Rigg (2006) maintains, the division between ‘rich’, ‘middle’ and ‘poor’ relates to demographic issues connected with the life cycle, and family and community dynamics (p. 68-82 in Tacoli, 2006).  To the fact that the particular group of people in eastern hills of Nepal who fought for British in First and Second World War established a new space for international labour migration with specific profession. The remittance and returnee migrants with extra skills and knowledge gave a better livelihood strategy and a solid alternative for other rural inhabitants. Rigg argues that the distribution of non farm work closely relates to the stage in the household life cycle that each family finds itself (ibid, p.73). In context to eastern hills, the households chose joining British army as non farm work which gave them better livelihood after agriculture. Later, this specific migration alternative not only was a better livelihood strategy but became a social capital for better political participation. They shared live experience of dynamic European political culture and trend that ongoing in the contemporary world. They introduced news of developed world through radios. Before people joined the Gurkha Soldiers, radio was a symbol of high class and only listened by feudalists. Besides this the major reason of migration motivation occurred in underdeveloped countries is the diminishing returns of labour a ‘push’ factor. There are also cost benefit analyses for individual or households before out migration therefore migration objective depends on short or long term. In the case of eastern hill of Nepal the inhabitants neither were influenced by diminishing return of labour nor had cost benefit analysis before migration. Inheritance of colonial culture among returnees and their replacement to upper class has to some extent social, political and economic impacts to sender’s community.

Primarily many studies have showed that migration and remittances have negative influence to the senders society as brain drain, no specific productive returns because of remittance is spent on daily consumption and luxurious commodities. This paper also partially argues that circular migrants and remittances are social capital which induces infrastructure development and increase political consciousness. Messina and Lahav (2006) maintain that a historical analysis of migration indeed suggests a set of significant theoretical and empirical relationship among population movements, capitalism, nation state building, ethnic patterns and race relations (p. 107). The eastern hill inhabitants of Nepal obviously reflect the relationship of capitalism and nation state building.  The patterns of migration vary according to spatial and contextual demand however this particular group has a fixed pattern of international labour oriented migration.

In the backdrop of varied migration patterns and its contribution to social transformation, the scale of speedy urbanization spectrum is well experienced in different geographical areas. In consequence, agrarian economy is slowly changing into trade and service economy. Essentially, different factors contributed economic growth but in last two decades, remittance has become a stable source for economic growth despite political unrest. It can be claimed that in Nepalese development process, migration has played an important role in reshaping new structure in society and political change. Non residents Nepali (NRN) a kind of migrants which also includes British Gurkha Soldiers who permanently settled down foreign lands on different grounds actively supported democratic movements of Nepal in 1990 and 2006. In addition, the demand of dual citizenship and transparent policy of the government for direct investment in business and service sector is a genuine example of political linkage of international migration. Summing up, international labour migration has become dynamic contributor to high GDP growth. Nepali rural population is partly circulating migrants to urban area or even cross border to transnational migration to search for better employment and education. Conway and Cohen (Jan, 1998) view ‘the circulating migrant matures through his or her life course, he or she may very well undertake more transnational circulations to accumulate skills. With maturation, he or she begins saving to invest in small business ventures, or diverts investments to support maturing dependents, such as financing the migration of male prodigy to acquire higher education’( p.32). Additionally, the particular Nepali group of British army in Hong Kong, UK have often demonstrated how they are sensitive towards human rights, protection and empowerment of minority, identity construction through language and culture preservation. In connection with the fact Brettel (2000) problematizes that ‘migrants through savings and investment would become agents of change in their home community… however the skills learned abroad cannot be easily applied to the rural home context (p.103). As, I have already mentioned above that the skill, knowledge and wealth accumulated by international migration perhaps may not be easily applied to the rural home context but can be applied to improve the political awareness raising and participation along with support to rapid urbanization process. To support the argumentation, the paper gives a few examples of ex-Gurkha soldiers in relation to Dharan city of Nepal. These soldiers who worked in Hong Kong and UK for the British regime have created a significant role in urbanization, modernization and influence to local level politics. To understand rural urban linkages in terms of migration relationship with politics, the paper analyses a few empirical data.

Migration Patterns and Political Linkage:

At present, Nepal is administratively divided into 75 districts and 14 zones.  Ecologically Nepal has three topographical divisions: mountain, hill and plain. From an easy livelihood perspective, the plain part of Nepal is more potent to receive internal migration because comparatively this part of area has arid lands with infrastructure. Considering the migration modality of central gravity or pull factor, the places where facilities are available and chances of having better life and active share of new and high technology influence migration patterns. It has been learned that remittances influence migration pattern to centre since it enhances capability of individual or households financially along with knowledge and skills.  Conway and Cohen argue as-‘return migrants are conceptualized as people endowed with cultural capital, potential and realized, as well as economic human capital. Both remittances and returnees contribute to communal social and cultural knowledge (social capital) the entirety comprising a significant bundle of reinvestments. The authors view that those investments as significant resource endowments helping to sustain the rural poor of the hemisphere’ (Bourdieu 1986; Conway and Cohen Jan 1998, p.30).

 

Historically, there aren’t so many migration phenomena experienced before 1950 however after the Second World War Nepal’s exposure to external world and control over malaria in Terai (plain) the phenomena of internal migration extensively accelerated. K.C. (2003) discusses the census data of 1961 to 2001 and shows following demographic developments. According to K.C. (ibid) there were 170,137 inter-zonal migrants which increased to 445,128 in 1971, 929,585 in 1981 and 1,228,356 in 1991.  On the other hand in 2001 the total volume of inter-zonal migration by three ecological zones increased to 1,727,350 persons.  To sum up, these migration proportions, it is clear that the proportion of migration ratio has tremendously accelerated each year after 70s[2].

 

The existing data doesn’t indicate whether migrants are pulled to the destination or pushed from the origin. The studies show that internal migration in Nepal is very much a permanent phenomenon as 44.1 per cent of the total inter-district migrants are living in the destination for more than 10 years. Those staying in the destination for 1-5 and 6-10 years respectively comprised 28.3 and 22.7 per cent. Migrants staying less than 1 year were 4.9 per cent. Two thirds of the total migrants have been living in the destination for more than 6 years, whereas 56 per cent have been living since the last ten years (KC. Aug, 2003). Relating to these phenomena to politics particularly citizenship and political participation, it is an election regulation of Nepal that the migrant has to produce migration certificate to make citizenship cards at destination or list him/herself to the voter list which constitute him/her the right to vote, candidacy in election etc. Again considering the data, it is supposed that most of migrants who have at least three years lived at destination, usually produce migration certificate and list themselves into a voter lists to be eligible voter or claim for political rights.

 

There are also various types of migrations such as internal and international. Internal migration constitutes in-and -out-migration between rural-to-rural, rural-to-urban, urban-to rural and urban-to-urban areas. At first glance, these migration phenomena seem to be motivated by livelihood strategies however in course of time these in migrant begin to be active politically in long run.  Additionally, there are various types of time bound migrations such as seasonal migration followed by temporary, semi-permanent and possibly a permanent move. It has been viewed that short run migrants have less influence on politics since these circulating migrants are not well tracked and are no significant actors in political participation. Whatever the types of migration in terms of both time and space, except forced migration due to natural calamity and war, migrants usually respond to pull and push factors depending upon whether it was an individual migration or a migration involving the entire family members and other relatives. Fundamentally, a large majority of migrants would say they had migrated from the origin as a strategy to better livelihoods and enhance living standard. In the long run this livelihood strategy changes to affiliate oneself to political institutions or become moral supporters. The same things apply in emigration and immigration in external diasporas. Gidwani and Shivramkrishnan (March 2003) argue,  ‘as more and more people enter into new work arrangements in rural areas or travel seasonally to work in informal sectors of the urban economy, their social relations, their sense of self, their relation to a sense of place, and their understandings of work undergo changes that are manifest in identity formation … changes himself, modifies himself, to the same extent that he changes and modifies the whole complex of relationships of which he is the nexus’ (p. 190-91). In context to Nepal, it hasn’t been explored whether the degree of internal and external migration phenomena are politically implicated except to forced migration during civil war. In case of unstable politics several embedded migration phenomena do not come forth for knowledge and determinants.

Migration, Urbanization Process in Nepal: A Political Perspective

Overall almost seventy five per cent of the Nepali population has agriculture as livelihoods which are based on rural characteristics. In fact, Nepal has very unequal condition of land distribution; many people still depend upon wages in agricultural works. In some cases, when there is diminishing return of labour from farm work and also there is least chances of employment in non farm in the rural areas, peri-urban and mega cities the next alternative remains cross border or transnational migration. It usually happens in the process from rural to urban and to metro centres which eventually becomes the transit centres for international emigration. Excluding particular case of Dharan, the trend of migration in Nepal is trajectory. Since industry and service sector has not proliferated compared to population growth there is hardly a situation to be able to absorb all rural migrant population, a kind of filtration process is measured. The rest of existing industrial and service sector usually hire semi skilled and skilled labour, and often employed on the basis of employee’s personal recommendations. In this particular situation, rural migrants have to use social networks (usually political inclined) to be employed[3]. Further, the network which is familiar to international labour market destinations such as Gulf, and South East Asia the rural migration ends to international scale. Kc.( Aug. 2003)[4] agrees that migration is the least researched area in Nepal compared to other demographic dynamics despite the fact that many socio-economic, demographic and political problems are closely associated with the process of both internal and international migration (p. 2).

 

On the other dimension of state policy to urbanization and its linkage to migration process, government policy to a large extent influenced by urban and rural definitions. Kc. (ibid) also agrees the problem that persists in Nepal and says, ‘analyzing migration data from various censuses is subject to severe scrutiny due to frequent changes in geographical boundaries and changes in urban and rural definitions (p.2). It affects the proportion of mobility which turned to be semi or permanent migration. In some of the cases, geography of administrative boundaries often is changed for political gains consequently it implicitly changes patterns of internal migration phenomena. I would like to relate this particular political act with one of the causal forces of internal mobility therefore would like to make a hypothesis that different phenomena of migration in Nepal have to some extent established political linkages. Previous studies regarding migration in Nepal focus on demographic and economic perspective however, in the deeper scale, migration process begins with social networks which usually have political connections. Migration phenomena in Nepal have largely been experienced while ongoing political instability. Therefore, Nepal still has an overwhelming rural-to-rural migration steady inclination. According to Kc, rural-to-urban migration is gaining more visibility in districts with large urban areas such as Kathmandu (71.8%), Kaski (82.7%), Lalitpur (56.6%), and Bhaktapur (44.6%) respectively.[5]

 

The above migration figures indicate that at deeper level it has political motives because Nepal still has centralized power regime. Nepal has been practicing centralized administrative system since a long time and yet to experience federal structure. The central regime in a sense generates policy and implementation in respect to prioritized development concerns. It redirects an embedded meaning that political power in Nepal is still underpinned to capital and regional cities where long term policies are formulated. Besides this, it can be understood that how power is centralized i.e. to issue passports and police reports, verifying documents and exit from the country one has to go to the centre. Some of the East Asian countries which allocate workers quotas for Nepal are mostly distributed among members or supporters from the particular parties in power. Therefore, better jobs and destination depends on individual’s affiliation in politics. In general, it can be said that foreign employment or going abroad, political networks are extremely useful in Nepal where corruption, nepotism and political favourism work easier than anything else.

 

Migration to mega cities and slum settlements is closely interlinked which is exploited for the political gains. Slum settlements are often nuisance to inhabitants of host cities which often turned to be violent conflicts. Slum dwellers in the mega cities mostly demand maintenance of peace and security and redistribution of land for their livelihood. These slum settlements morally support to the political parties which voice for them. Analyzing the existing research reports[6] (figure 1) a question to migrants has been asked as in what condition they would prefer to go back to their origin. Interestingly 5% of them responded the condition of peace and security whereas 35% demanded land and infrastructure development. Figure no. 2 shows a few interesting aspects. Analysing the fig no. 2, almost 55% of migration phenomena with people who self owned home responded the reason of ‘forced out’ similarly 35% of the same category has put for the earning constraints and 20% of this group indicates conflict and a very small portion claims to lack of facility. On the other category of respondents at rented home, a large portion state to not having facilities and similarly a majority per cent points at conflict. Excluding other types, these two categories of groups to some extent refer political relationship with migration phenomena (this respondents are not internally displaced). Migration relatively happens with livelihood agenda provided political stability. As Tacoli (2006) link ups rural urban relations at livelihood issues excluding political causality the following findings is complex in characteristics (p.3). She suggests the idea that at first, the livelihoods could be agriculture or farm activities, thereafter another alternative is wage on farm, thirdly the non farm economic activities. When all of them come to an end and there are no chances of sustaining livelihood, the migration to another potential territory is expected. These conditions more or less influenced by economic and political policy adopted by the government. Basically, as it has been suggested that poverty, inequitable distribution of income, unemployment, difficult livelihood, and food insecurity are the important causes of internal migration in Nepal. 

 

International labour migrants and Politics: A Case of Urbanization Process in Nepal

 

In this chapter, I would like to discuss about international migrants who participate in the urbanization process through politics. Before discussing the nexus of migration and urbanization it would be better to discuss on figures of census data on international migrants. The latest census has not covered the real international migration data since there are many emigrants who go for international employment through informal channel than that of formal. Therefore, the census data gives a much smaller volume of Nepalese emigrants to foreign countries. A recent statistics[7] revealed that the number of people who have gone to various countries for employment is much higher than the number enumerated by the 2001 census. The figures are as follows  - out of total number, 75,885 went to Saudi Arabia followed by 45,825 in Qatar, 43,831 in Malaysia, 21,905 in United Arab Emirates, 3,831 in Bahrain, 3,014 in the Republic of Korea, 2,668 in Kuwait and 1,566 in Hong Kong, China.  This data doesn’t clearly state the figure of Gurkha Soldiers working in Singapore and UK. It has to be included them as international labour migrants since Nepal receives a large amount of remittance from this group. The central idea of this paper since concerned about political contribution of international migrants along with rapid urbanization, I would hereby like to exemplify how returnee migrants play vital role in identity formation through ethnicity along with nation state democratic movement.  The migration demography with knowledge, skill and remittances contribute to rapid urbanization along with political awareness raising. This paper particularly has focused on homogenous characteristics of international labour migrant (Gurkha soldiers in UK) who have amazingly contributed to urbanization process and identity formation.

 

As I have already mentioned that government policy on rural and urban definition also influences the migration trend. The process of defining rural and urban usually based on availability of basic public services such as roads, telephone and cable T.V. services, water and sanitation, schools and colleges and health post or hospitals. Besides those defining parameters, it is also considered the number of inhabitants in particular location and consists of potentiality for building further development. The process of defining urban area sometimes contentiously debated in the national, regional and local level because it is of course a matter of public interests.  Announcement of urban area or municipality, it only doesn’t help to raise the value of land but also increases pressure on infrastructure extension. As soon as the urban area is defined, the government has ethically obliged to allocate development budget in that area. For example, returnee migrants who settled down in Dharan after the place was recognized as Gurkha Soldiers recruitment centre for British since 1953 invested remittances in building roads and drainage. This peri urban centre was supplier of rural agricultural products to Terai in downwards and stock centre for staple food such as rice, maize, industrial product to upward villages. As soon as roads were constructed to upward villages from downward Terai, this peri-urban centre became a major city of Eastern Nepal[8].  Khan (Oct. 1982) also argue as ‘there is considerable evidence that cities in the third world offer better economic and social opportunities than rural areas and that the urban-biased policies of many post-independence governments have given potential migrants a level of expectation about urban life that has made the cities strong magnets’ (p.386).  Similar to Khan’s argument, Dharan opened an opportunity to see a modernization experience to surrounding locals. Mobility of inhabitants from surrounding villages condensed which contributed to market expansion. Huge remittances received from Gurkha soldiers were invested on purchasing land and constructions of new houses incorporating future availability of basic services such as road, communication and education. The inhabitants of new place encouraged others (relatives, neighbours, networks) to move in the new place by which the ethnic identity could become a strong instrument to dominate the society. As soon as a number of inhabitants fell under the criterion or met the parameter of the government policy for definition of urban area, people put pressure on central government to input further basic public services such as schools, colleges, roads, hospitals and communication facilities. The purpose of briefing this particular case of Dharan is to make understand of interrelationship between remittance and rapid urbanization process implicitly linked to identity formation. In an article, Khanal maintains that foreign employment has also played a crucial role in importing a culture of hardworking and entrepreneurship among the youths. With Reference to the previous studies, Khanal has reckoned that three-fourth of foreign employment returnees are now engaged in their own businesses.[9] These returnees from foreign employment also affiliate in politics by expanding knowledge and political participation. The transnational migrants such as Gurkha Soldiers who worked in UK and Hong Kong also significantly contributed to the locals by explaining about freedom, identity and democracy giving more live experience of democratic practice in Britain. Comparatively wives of these Gurkha Soldiers also demonstrated how women should emancipate from traditional oppressive practice from men.[10]

Summary and conclusion:

Migration has a direct relationship with development process. In the southern hemisphere where remittance contributes economic growth, circular migration also creates an atmosphere for active participation in politics. In case of Nepal foreign employment and remittance has explicitly played a vital role in social transformation. The remittances received from international migrants not only help economic capability but also encourage internal market expansion, infrastructure development and finally create conducive atmosphere of imitating foreign democratic and freedom practice. The knowledge, skills and capital from foreign employees is invaluable to ignite social transformation. In this respect Dharan, a city of Nepal stands for a best example. Exceptional cases are also found but not that speedy which Dharan gained in short time.

 

References:

Brettell, C. B., and James F. Hollifield (eds.) (2000) Migration theory: talking across disciplines. Routlege.

Conway, D. and Cohen, J. H. (Jan., 1998) ‘Consequences of Migration and Remittances for Mexican Transnational Communities’ Economic Geography, Vol. 74, No. 1 pp. 26-44 Clark University

Gidwani, V, and Sivaramakrishnan, K. (2003 March) Circular Migration and the Spaces of Cultural Assertion. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 93, No. 1 pp. 186-213 Taylor & Francis, Ltd.

Kc. B.K.( Aug. 2003) Migration, Poverty and Development of Nepal. Economic and Social Commission For Asia And The Pacific. Bangkok

Khan,  A.A (Oct 1982) ‘rural urban migration and urbanization in Bangladesh’ Geographical Review Vol. 72 No. 4,  pp. 379-394

Rigg, J. (2006) ‘Evolving Rural Urban Relations and Livelihoods in Southeast Asia’ in Tacoli, C. (ed. 2006) The Earthscan Reader in Rural Urban Linkages. Earthscan.

Messina, A.M. and G. Lahav (eds. 2006) The Migration Reader: Exploring Politics and Policies. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Boulder, London.

Tacoli, C. (ed.)(2006) The Earth scan reader in rural-urban linkages. Earthscan

Web references

http://www.cbs.gov.np/Population/Monograph/Chapter%2015%20%20Internal%20Migration%20in%20Nepal.pdf retrieved Jan 5, 2009

http://un.org.np/reports/WFP/2005/Internal-Migration-March2005.pdf retrieved on 5 Jan 2009

http://www.unescap.org/esid/psis/meetings/migrationaug2003/Nepal.pdf retrieved on 5 Jan 2009

 

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[10] by Nilifa Subba , ‘Dharan Dharan Jasto Rahena’ (Dharan is like Dharan now) Blog article (Nepali language) in www.mysansar.com  retrieved Jan 7, 2009.