COLONIAL PAST OF INDIA: DID COLONIAL LEGACY WORK OUT IN INDIA IN RAPID INDUSTRIALIZATION? A SHORT DISCUSSION

 


Prabin K. Prajapati

 

Introduction:

This paper aims to review Atul Kohli’s book ‘State directed Development: Political Power and Industrialization in the Global Periphery’ in relation to Indian development pace and its implications to Nepali political economy. In this paper, I would evaluate the book in response to his theories comparing colonization and constructive role of the state in Indian context and try to imply political intervention in terms of Nepali development efforts. In short, the book of course is well informative and argumentative in a sense that it has tried to keep on organized theories of states construction which according to his argument plays the key role in the development process. According to Kohli (1999), there are three types of governments: neo-patrimonial, cohesive capitalist and fragmented multiclass state.  Out of these states typology, Kohli tries to fit the theory into the four countries where Nigeria has been observed from neo-patrimonial state in terms of development, Korea from cohesive capitalist state and India and Brazil have been evaluated from fragmented multiclass states. The basic requirement for the development as the author says, ‘legitimate states that govern effectively and dynamic industrial economies are widely regarded today as the defining characteristics of a modern nation state’ (Kohli, 2004:1). Although Kohli emphasizes a legitimate government, he focuses more on economic actors and political elites, along with historical aspects on patterns of state construction and patterns of state interventions aiming at promoting industrialization. In lieu of his argumentation, colonial past was also a development agent in these countries. While comparing to the Nepali context, Nepali politics during British regime was a closed pseudo economic and politically authoritative country where developmental efforts were merely null and British support during the era were non offending internal affairs. Rather it always viewed Nepal as a protective wall and supportive military base in favor of colonization process in Indian territories. Kohli (2004) argumentatively concludes that the state should be coercive and more catalyst to incorporate private sector in the development mainstream. So in a broader sense, the model and typology of state construction and constructive role throughout the history of colonial past to emancipation movement, we must relate them to Nepali political regimes which might throw a light on why and who are accountable in the mainstream development aspirations.

Development and Democracy:

In the globalization periphery, there are no boundaries in between the countries. The state has lost charm in the global dynamic economy (Schuurman, 2001:67). Despite the fact, it is the state which can play a key role in democratization and mobilization of capital in terms of rapid industrialization. In this context Kohli (2004) discusses the role of regime type: democracy versus authoritarian in terms of progress depending on global capitalism (5). The constructive roles of the state are of tariffs, subsidies, credit control, manpower training, technology promotion and bureaucratic cooperation with the private sector and oversight for rapid economic growth. Observing the facts and progress of India now raises a question: did British colonization contribute India to this present tremendous economic growth? To understand and find the answer of the question; we have to go back the history of India and evaluate the role played by then colonial regime. Kohli (2004) mentions that the colonial strategy of state construction in India was essentially incremental and ground level realities, providing the frame for one set of action strong bureaucracy and militarization.  In 1857 the colonizer experienced a blow in the form of ‘Mutiny’ although it was mercilessly crushed; it opened a new way of political driving which established strong bureaucracy and democratization process in India. It was necessary for the British that India was an important geopolitical location in Asia to maintain global power and economic profit. On the other hand, Rana regime in Nepal backed British Raj to remain in power. At the same time, the capital of the state was just mobilized for controlling resistance against the Rana regime. Even after 1960’s democratic movement forced Rana regime to step down, the immature political parties and practices provoked the authoritative regime to be established. Hence Panchayeti Raj raised and stemmed in Nepali soil.

During the British Raj in India, balance of payment surpluses with India enabled Britain to run deficits elsewhere in the world where it colonized and was maintaining its influences. India provided a second military base from which imperial ambitions in East Africa and Far East could be pursued more economically. Aftermath of mutiny, the colonizer identified traditional institutions and political elites especially gentry and aristocrats who might be a threat to central British regime. In the beginning of development stage the state has to play a key role and the role is to give the productive forces into the trajectory roles. Sutcliffe (1999) metaphorically explains development as travel ‘transfer of labour from low productivity agriculture to higher productivity industry and modern services, and all nations end up at more or less the same destination, where high consumption matches the high productive capacity (135). Considering development characteristics the state is expected to do in any country. In contrast to this and always counting values of colonial legacy, the input during the colonial period by British regime in India does count very minimal.  Kohli also agrees this fact as- ‘the British in this nineteenth century setting provided political unity, a ‘national market, and infrastructure but these development were insufficient for sustained economic growth of any type including industrialization. Among the proximate factors militating against industrialization during the colonial phase were considerations of both supply and demand: low rates of saving and investment, primitive technology and a poor economy with limited internal demand’. The question is if there were no British in India where India would be and how it would be? If colonizers were not penetrating the cultural and social structures, where will India be now in this global market? Will it be like this now or would have been even better could be an interesting developmental discourse.

 

Conclusion:

The message, Kohli is trying to flow through the ‘State Directed Development’ is that the state either should be coercive or highly tangible to mobilize internal capitalists in the form of national movement, this neither is applicable io India nor it contributes to Indian infra structure development. Did British only teach India to be civilized? If it were a contribution why India had been remained very poor country until late eighties?  Well established bureaucracy and fragmented multi-class state has of course a wider range democratic practice and strong institutions like civil society and political parties, however it doesn’t change any thing miraculously in the short term as South Korea did after the liberation form Japanese colonization. In the globalization era, the world which believes in capitalism, human rights and democracy, it is not worse to say that colonialism played vital role for the development in India in long run. The rapid development in South Korea under Japanese model must be observed as mere a coincidence because a huge investment was left as a treasure to South Korea when second World War  persuaded Japanese regime return without  taking back their legacy and outcomes of their incredible structural investment.

 

References:

Cowen, M.P. and R.W. Shenton (1997) Doctrines of Development. Routledge, London

Kohli, A. (1999) State Directed Development: Political Power and Industrialization in the Global Periphery. Cambridge

Munck, R and D. O’Hearn (eds. 1999) Critical Development Theory: Contribution to a new paradigm. Zed Books.

Schuurman, F. J. (ed.) (2001) “The Nation-State, Emancipatory Spaces and Development Studies in the Global Era” in Globalization and Development Studies: Challenges for the 21st Century, London: Sage (PP. 61-76)

Sutcliffe, B. (1999) ‘The Place of Development in Theories of Imperialism and Globalization’ in Munck, R and D. O’Hearn (eds. 1999) Critical Development Theory: Contribution to a new paradigm. Zed Books.

 
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